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Representatives for film director Errol Morris told me during pre-production that “Standard Operating Device” would be the very best documentary on the abuses of Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib – the one that would snarl the whole truth.

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I had pinned expansive hope on that. It didn’t turn out that contrivance.

My perspective on the Abu Ghraib scandal came from spending from September 2003 to February 2004 at the Iraq prison as a sergeant in Army Intelligence. Working the 8 p.m.-to- 8 a.m. night shift, it was impossible not to view who was directing the operation. And I shared all this with Morris.

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But now I’ve seen the film and I’m disappointed. Morris does cramped to collect to the bottom of what happened. He muddies already opaque waters regarding who was actually responsible for the abuse of prisoners.

The film focuses on the unpleasant photos, the people in them and those who took them. This perspective plays true into the hands of the cover-up artists. It perpetuates the anecdote that the abuses are rightfully laid at the feet of those impressionable, but very human, young soldiers.

Morris should have been looking up the chain of command; at the civilian and military officials actually responsible for ordering these Military Police Reservists to rough up prisoners.

A no-holds-barred documentary? Give me a shatter.

Finally, the Whole Truth!

I was first save into contact with the makers of “SOP” while I was detached in the Army. From the beginning, I was told this was going to be a mountainous project with the production help of Sony Pictures Entertainment; and that Morris, who had won an Oscar with his documentary, “The Fog of War,” would be at the helm.

This was to be the breakthrough investigation into what really happened at Abu Ghraib, who was responsible for the abuse and why it was ordered – the project that really got people’s attention, going where previous investigators and media had feared to tread.

Call me gullible but, believing this was to be a groundbreaking work, I fully cooperated with Morris. I assisted him in his quest for documents, videos, photos, notes and helped him contact fellow soldiers who were at Abu Ghraib and knew what happened.

When I was discharged from the Army in October 2006, I went to Boston for a two-day interview.

Morris asked me to heed several contracts before and after the interviews, and I did as he asked without paying noteworthy attention to them. I do remember however, that in one contract Morris agreed to pay me one dollar.

In any event, I never got the dollar, but was reminded of this last week when I read in the Current York Times that others got paychecks for their participation.

I have never asked for or taken money for media interviews. To me, that undermines the process and trivializes the importance of the issues of torture and prisoner mistreatment and their meaning for the fair atmosphere in our country as a whole.

When the film was finished, Morris told me he had intended to exercise some of the footage from my two days of interviews and the materials I provided, but decided in the ruin to “narrowly focus” on the Military Police. This, of course, is what so many others have done and is in the worst tradition of a Nixon-style “modified, cramped hangout.”

Chain of Say?

Here’s the oddest thing: Even though Morris’s lens is trained on the Military Police, he does gain room for a civilian interrogator, Tim Dugan, who worked at Abu Ghraib for CACI, a contractor factory for civilian interrogators.

I witnessed for myself how civilian personnel, like Dugan, corrupted the military. Indeed, they were the genesis of the rupture from ragged interrogation techniques into what Vice President Dick Cheney hinted at when he spoke of the “sunless side” of intelligence.

It was they who ordered the Military Police and some of my hold unit’s Military Intelligence soldiers to “soften” the detainees for interrogation, and encouraged the behavior depicted in the photographs. I know; I was there. And, of course, I told Errol Morris.

So I was surprised, to say the least, to leer Morris giving Dugan a residence to contend that, essentially, the abuses were all the military’s fault.

Odd indeed. Even Maj. Gen. George Fay, whose investigation of Abu Ghraib left grand to be desired, reported the pernicious carry out civilian interrogators had on the impressionable and inexperienced soldiers.

Fay reported, for example that Daniel Johnson, one of Dugan’s CACI interrogator colleagues, whom I knew at Abu Ghraib, was using Spc. Charles Graner as “muscle” for his interrogations.

And yet, Morris describes Dugan as “considerable.” Much, indeed, Errol.

Did no one assert you that CACI, Dugan and several of his fellow interrogators were sued by their victims in Abu Ghraib, seeking to beget them accountable for their behavior?

In the civil case brought by the Center for Constitutional Rights on behalf of Abu Ghraib prisoners, the lawsuit implicates Dugan in the abuse.

“CACI interrogator Timothy Dugan also tortured plaintiffs and other prisoners,” the lawsuit alleges. “For example, he physically dragged handcuffed plaintiffs and other prisoners along the ground to inflict wound on them. He struck and beat plaintiffs and other prisoners. He bragged to a non-conspirator about scaring a prisoner with threats to such a degree that the prisoner vomited.

“When a young non-conspirator directed him to conclude the torture and comply [with] Army Field Manual 34-52, Dugan scoffed at his youth and refused to follow the direction.”

The lawsuit further alleges that Dugan took piece in a CACI cover-up of when a detainee died by going through “the charade of interrogating a prisoner who was already insensible as allotment of the conspiracy’s efforts to shroud a slay.” Dugan is accused, too, of threatening a fellow CACI employee who talked to investigators.

CACI has denounced the lawsuit as baseless, and the individual defendants were dismissed out on a technicality. However, on Nov. 6, 2007, U.S. District Court Contemplate James Robertson in Washington denied CACI’s motion for summary judgment and ordered a jury trial against CACI.

A criminal investigation also is pending in the Eastern District of Virginia concerning some of the CACI employees.

In “SOP,” Dugan presents himself as a whistleblower who tried to discontinuance the abuses. He claims that he reported to his “portion sergeant” that two Army female interrogators were stripping detainees naked as an interrogation technique, and how haunted he was to discover this.

Dugan claims he got the brush-off; was told not to glean alive to. So who was this “share sergeant? ” And is he/she above the law?

Why did Dugan not offer himself as a see in any of the various investigations? Where has he been if he felt then the device he now says he did? Again, why sport the good-guy badge now?

I came away with the impression that Morris was unprepared for the interview and was being taken for a plod.

CACI’s Defense

For definite reasons, CACI has gone to astounding lengths to separate itself from the horrors of Abu Ghraib, arguing that the military alone was at fault.

CACI recently announced the release of a book, Our Generous Name: A Company’s Fight To Defend Its Honor And Derive The Truth About Abu Ghraib.

CACI contends strongly that its interrogators adhered to the military chain of train, something it has been feverishly trying to put in the lawsuits against it.

And so, the behavior captured in the photos? That was the military’s responsibility, not CACI’s.

That is not what I observed from my ringside seat.

I told Morris that the reality was that the civilian contractors paid diminutive effect to the military chain of bellow, and that they were the ones actually running the reveal. That didn’t design it into the final version of “SOP.”

Even though it is now an established fact that between 70 to 90 percent of detainees at Abu Ghraib were completely innocent, something I learned directly on spot, Dugan implies that the harsh interrogation practices applied there were legitimate – except of course for the failings of the military.

This myth-making is intended to gain CACI harmless and wait on it gain its very lucrative government contracts. CACI International had $1.6 billion in revenues in 2005. Folks have always told me it all has to do with money; I instruct they’re legal.

But Congress should be asking some simple questions. It should launch by asking why civilian contractors are being employed in connection with the interrogation of persons under detention in wartime, a function which previously has been entirely in the hands of the uniformed military?

This could yield some spicy answers. Indeed, evasion of military rules and discipline as well as avoidance of congressional oversight might be at the heart of the answers.

Morris takes pride in calling “SOP” a scare movie and – with the mood music and the needless slow-motion reenactments – he makes distinct of that.

However, “SOP” does slight more than humanize some of the “dreadful apples” (a top-notch thing, I explain), while gratuitously absolving the civilian interrogators actually responsible for fouling those apples.

But, wait. Abu Ghraib is not primarily about Military Police – or civilian interrogators. It is about the many thousands of wrongfully detained Iraqis – many of them abused, tortured and even killed. It is also about their families. What about their memoir?

Morris has called “SOP” objective “the tip of the iceberg,” citing the unused volumes of material he’s calm since production began. But Morris owed his viewers a behold of the whole iceberg, not unbiased the miniature misleading fragment that bobbed above the surface.

He has announced his next film project: a comedy. Go figure.

As is positive in the complex responses to both the book and the film by Errol Morris and Philip Gourevitch, STANDARD OPERATING Design places in our faces some facts we would rather shield than discuss. The tale of the period of between September 2003 and February 2004 at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq is so well known not only from the news media but also from the Internet blogging sites that it need not be outlined in a review of this film. The facts documented by photographs taken by those who participated and observed the inhuman treatment of prisoners are indisputable: seeing them on the cover in paunchy frame and in close-up shots is almost more than the compassionate glance can tolerate. But there it is and yes, we do need to study the abuse and humiliation that describes the US prisoner treatment in Iraq, no matter who is to blame – enlisted personnel, MI, high ranking military officials, the White House. The fact that it occurred as such a spoiled abuse of human rights should awaken in all of us a more complete awareness that war makes humans do such things. It is ghastly to ogle, difficult to digest, and extremely trying on our region of beliefs that man’s inhumanity to man has and does exist despite our need to possess otherwise.

Given the atrocities documented by this film, the style of the film as a work of cinema deserves to be addressed also. The glide of the documentary with the interplay of interview pieces by those corrupt young people upon whose shoulders the blame was placed in what appears to be a diversionary technique to avoid deeper probing of the factual guilt, along with the images of the prison itself – stark lines of cellblocks and living conditions so corrupt they seem to actually smell on the cloak – is well conceived and beautifully/creatively captured by cinematographers Robert Chappell and Robert Richardson and enhanced by a strangely appropriate musical scoring by Danny Elfman. The film may be about things evil, but the technique old to squawk the sage is high quality art.

Abu Ghraib, along with Guantanamo, will always be a scar on the conscience of America, even beyond the time that this gross Iraq war is over. We should all observe at this film with the hope that with seeing trusty footage of a nightmare may encourage prevent recurrences in the future. Grady Harp, November 08
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